Navegando por Orientadores "RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro"

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Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Audiências públicas – composição, aspectos informacionais e partidários da comissão de segurança pública e combate ao crime organizado (CSPCCO) na Câmara dos Deputados: 2007-2022.
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-03-07) COSTA, Natalia Pinto; RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3593569714396077; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-4804
This research aims to investigate: 1) the profile of attendees at the public hearings of the Public Security and Combating Organized Crime Committee (CSPCCO) of the Chamber of Deputies, during the years 2007-2022 (53rd, 54th, 55th, and 56th legislatures), and 2) the party variations in inviting speakers to these hearings. It starts from the premise that the committee space is the institutional locus of protagonism within the decision-making process, with the structure capable of specializing lawmakers, as well as collecting information from external members of the National Congress, with Public Hearings being a tool capable of facilitating this exchange of specializations. Committees are understood as spaces where party influence and stable decision-making can be exerted. Therefore, to achieve the proposed objectives, a case study methodology on the composition/profile of CSPCO deputies during the aforementioned legislatures and a literature review on legislative organization and thematic committees in the decision-making process will be used to contribute to the research agenda that highlights thematic committees as a relevant space that generates various informational and partisan gains. The results showed that there are indications that partisan incentives in this committee exhibit strong informational traits in the hearings. The analysis also highlighted the importance and multiplicity of objectives that public hearings can assume.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
A comissão mista no processo decisório da Medida Provisória da Reforma do Ensino Médio (MPV Nº 746/2016)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2020-12-03) PORTÉGIO, Suziany de Oliveira; RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3593569714396077; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-4804
The present dissertation has as object of analysis the parliamentary action that took place inside the Mixed Commission of Provisional Measure nº 746/2016, which dealt with the High School Reform, such reform establishes new guidelines for the Brazilian educational formative process. With the intention of answering how parliamentarians acted in proposing and approving amendments to the text proposed by the Executive, we first seek to make a historic rescue regarding the institutional design of the coalition presidential government in operation in Brazil, giving space to the debate that positive theories bring to the address parliamentary performance. Then, we talk about the role of the commission system and the use of provisional measures in the Brazilian decision-making process, pointing out its relevance in the legislative scenario. Finally, when we understand the mixed commissions as specific spaces for project deliberation; we started to study the amendment work that took place inside the Joint Commission of Provisional Measure nº 746/2016; where it was possible to observe that the opposition proposed a significant amount of amendments in an MPV of paramount importance for the Executive's agenda, that is, members outside the coalition seek (and manage) to change the Executive's proposal. The Legislature acts on the Executive's proposal by changing its points and placing its preferences, even in the face of an instrument for the exclusive use of the Executive. In addition to concluding that the mixed commissions have an important role in the decision-making process.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
A frente parlamentar da agropecuária e sua atuação nas comissões de agricultura, pecuária, abastecimento e desenvolvimento rural (CAPADR) e da comissão de meio ambiente e desenvolvimento sustentável (CMADS)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2023-05-23) FARIAS, Samara Pereira; RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3593569714396077; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-4804
Political Parties are important in the organization of legislative process in Brazil. Another setting is present in the legislative, the Parliamentary Fronts, a multiparty group, that make possible for the congressmen to transit among several situations. This study refers to a relation between political parties and Parliamentary Fronts, thinking how parties can get advantages in the commissions through this political structure. This work will research the constitution of the Parliamentary Front of Agricultural (FPA) and its role in the Commission for Agriculture, Food Supply and Rural Development (CAPADR) even as Commission for Environmental and Sustainable Development (CMADS). Analyses the occupation of FPA members in the positions of holders in theses commissions. Examining what is your ability to control about the key positions within them, presidency, and rapporteurs to guarantee decisions that express the interests of the FPA. The survey refers to years 2007 to 2018, starting at fiftieth third to fiftieth fifth legislature. Data were collected in three dimensions: the composition of the FPA in the legislatures; the compositions pf the commissions; and the distribution of reports in CAPADR e CMADS. In the composition of the FPA, parliamentarians from states in which the agricultural sector is more relevant to the economy predominate. It was verified that, regarding the presidencies of the commissions, there is a greater occupation by the FPA in CAPADR, indicating that this front favors the performance of its members in this Commission. The presence of FPA members at CMADS is also significant, although it does not reach 50%. This context is repeated in the reports. The results proposed in the reports of the committees were also analyzed, in order to observe whether there are differences in approval and rejection rates of reports made by members and non- members of the FPA. In this case, although there are some differences, they are not significant between the commissions. Complementarily, it was also possible to observe the success of the reports of the members of the FPA. In the case of CAPADR there was no report from FPA members rejected. Three of the five reports rejected at CMADS were from FPA members. It is possible to notice greater strength of the FPA in CAPADR, exactly in the commission that is more directly linked to the rural theme, explaining the FPA's strategy of controlling key points of power in the legislative power of Brazil.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Partidos políticos, relação executivo-legislativo e a produção legislativa da comissão de constituição, justiça e cidadania do Senado Federal de 2003 a 2018
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-07-24) CARVALHO, Rodrigo Cordeiro; RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3593569714396077; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-4804
Considering the legislative studies agenda on the Brazilian Federal Senate, due to its role in the decision-making process, and the contribution of this agenda to discover the characteristics of the functioning of parliamentary committees, this research is based on the following problem. Did the parties coordinate the Executive-Legislative relationship in the legislative production of the Senate's Committee on Constitution, Justice, and Citizenship (CCJ) from 2003 to 2018? From this, the objectives are: to verify if there is a positive relationship between senators' previous political experience and their chances of occupying the CCJ; to observe if the party of the committee's president tends to appoint rapporteurs from its own party; to examine if there is a positive relationship between the occupation of the CCJ by the government coalition and the number of executive projects reported by this group each year; to check if there is a positive relationship between the degree of ideological heterogeneity of the government coalition and the frequency of using the terminative power in the CCJ. To do so, it was first discovered who occupied the CCJ and by which parties at the beginning and end of each legislative session through the Annual Reports of the Presidency (from 2003 to 2018); then, based on the biographies of the parliamentarians, data related to prior expertise (political career [number of mandates of the parliamentarian when occupying the CCJ and previous passage through elective positions in the Executive or Legislative branches], level of education, and profession) of these occupants were observed; finally, based on the results of the CCJ's deliberative meetings, information on authorship, rapporteurship, and opinions of each legislative proposition was collected - this stage, when necessary, was complemented by biographical research about federal deputies (in order to discover their respective party affiliations at the moments of voting on the matters, when the authorship was by a deputy). All the necessary documents and information to fulfill the described steps are available on the websites of the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The data treatment was done using Excel spreadsheets, resulting in tables and graphs on the CCJ's occupation and legislative production throughout the established time frame. It is concluded that: the CCJ is mostly occupied by coalition government parties, but it presents equal chances of being chaired by both this group and the opposition, with the overall occupation characterized by senators in their first term in the Senate and with previous passages through both the Executive and Legislative branches, who remain in the committee for just over four years, have higher education, and are lawyers or professors, aged between 50 and 69 years, representing the male gender; the parties in the committee's presidency appoint more rapporteurs from their own parties, with a dominance of the coalition, both in rapporteurship and in proposition, and it also dominates the rapporteurship of executive initiatives; the results indicated by the rapporteurs are mostly for approval without changes (39.2%), but are closely followed by approval with alterations (amendment/substitute, 36.7%), and the voting on these opinions results in approval in 98.6% of cases, mostly with the non-terminative decision type (64.1%), while the percentage of terminative decisions seems negatively related to the degree of ideological heterogeneity of the coalition.