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Estudo comparativo do fenômeno de nasalização em línguas da família Tupi-Guaraní (Tronco Tupi)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2018-04-26) MIRANDA, Camille Cardoso; PICANÇO, Gessiane Lobato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8504849027565119
This work aims to describe the patterns of nasalization phenomena in indigenous languages of Tupí-Guaraní subgroup of the Tupian family: Mbyá, Kaiowá, Paraguayan Guaraní, Old-Guaraní, Nhandewa, Tapieté (Branch I); Sirionó (Branch II); Nheengatú, Tupinambá (Branch III), Tembé, Parakanã, Suruí-Tocantins, Avá-Canoeiro, Tapirapé (Branch IV); Anambé, Araweté, Asuriní of the Xingu (Branch V); Kayabi, Apiaká, Tenharím, Uru-Eu-Uau-Uau (Branch VI), Kamayurá (Branch VII) and Guajá, Ka'apor, Zo'e, Wayampi and Emerillon (Branch VIII). To investigate the nasalization processes in Tupí-Guaraní languages, we adopt the typological approach by Walker (1998) to verify and comprehend, from the typological hierarchy of nasal harmony, segments that can be triggers and targets of nasal spreading. The study also uses the considerations of Ohala (1981, 1993) and Cohn (1990, 1993) to examine nasalization processes as a phonetic effect and not as a phonological process. With regard to the segments that are the triggers, i.e, those that begin the nasalization process, we see that nasal consonants (N) and nasal vowels (Ṽ) are the sources of nasality predominant in almost all languages. However, in Suruí-Tocantins, Parakanã, Tembé, and Apiaká (Branch IV and VI), only nasalization triggered for N was found. In Sirionó (Branch II) and Tapirapé (Branch IV), the nasalization is triggered only by Ṽ. For the targets segments, the languages were classified into four different types according to the implicational scale of walker’s nasal harmony. The language Sirionó (Branch II), and the languages of the branches IV and VI tend to have vowels being predominantly nasalized (Type 1), while the languages Tupinambá, Nheengatú, Anambé, Araweté, Asuriní of the Xingu, Ka'apor and Zo'e (branches III, V and VIII) have vowels + glides undergo nasalization (Type 2). The Kamayurá language belonging to branch VII has vowels + glides + liquids being affected by the nasalization process, and the same occurs with the Guajá language (Branch VIII). The languages of Branch I (with exception of Tapieté), Wayampi and Emerillon (Branch VIII) exhibit the type 5, in which all the segments are affects by nasal harmony. The study also examined segments that are blockers of the nasalization process. The languages that present blocker segments (especially the voiceless obstruents) are: Tapieté (Branch I), Tupinambá, Nheengatú (Branch III), Avá-Canoeiro (Branch IV), Anambé, Araweté, Asuriní of the Xingu (Branch V), Kayabi, Apiaká (Branch VI), Kamayurá (Branch VII), Guajá, Ka'apor and Zo'e (Branch VIII). Already the other languages present voiceless obstruents being transparent to the nasalization process. The directionality of spreading is predominantly regressive, although it may have also progressive or bidirectional spreading; these two last are quite often in morphological process. The domain of nasalization is two types: local, when is N and the word when is Ṽ. In summary, the work follows several steps that help in the investigation of nasalization phenomena in the Tupí-Guaraní languages. The approach in this study is typological since it uses crosslinguistic methods to check, among the languages investigated, similarities and differences in patterns related to the subject in question. Thus, the research carried out in this dissertation seeks to provide important information about nasalization processes in these languages. We expect that this research may promote future analyses regarding the phonological typology of the indigenous languages of Brazil.