Navegando por Assunto "Conflito"

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Governo, interesse público e práticas burocráticas: tessituras políticas no processo decisório do licenciamento ambiental do Projeto Volta Grande no Xingu - Pará
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2021-04-26) SANTOS, Selma Solange Monteiro; MATHIS, Armin; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8365078023155571; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7831-9391
The environmental licensing is the political instrument founded under the juridic positivity that applies the environmental control function of economic activities. This process, which has been brought up by the knowledge of the techno sciences stablishes a rule with principles that support the idea that all the damage, impact and negative effects can be rationalized by tools and technical methods (evaluation of environmental impacts, impact mitigation, compensation, constraints and the end of conflicts through negotiation). These methods and tools would produce technical resolutions to the territorial conflicts. This thesis questions the neutral, technical and operational natures of the rational ways of licensing intervention. Therefore, an analysis has been made about the decision-making process of a big project of gold mining and its macro and micro political relations. The bureaucracy behind the project will be investigated considering two main theoretical aspects: the concept of governmentality supported by studies originated in Foucault (2008a, 2008b) and the anthropology of bureaucracy according to the explanatory table “Studying up” (NADER, 1972). The historic processes of governmentalization of the State grounded on the domain of power and knowledge of the political economy allow us to analyze that the public interest mobilizes the procedure aligned with the economic order, the practice of the State financial activities and the business strategies. This way, the environmental control interferes in the governmental planning and its tactics, where the environmental licensing is the main instrument to attract big mining projects. The licensing is planned within the public policies for regional development. The political interests get into the internal practices of the licensing organizations and they can get attached to the subjective interests of the employees depending on the contingency. The result of the macro and micro political relations will produce a composite reality where the environmental licensing is a complex and uncertain political process that is driven by the environmental institution. It represents the different interests of the government which orientations are materialized by arguments that derived from the technical knowledge of the discretionary practices. These practices are strategically selected in order to bring harmony between the sides in conflict as well as changing criteria, documents and appointments for the following stages of the whole process.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Povos Indígenas na cidade de Boa Vista: estratégias identitárias e demandas políticas em contexto urbano
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2018-09-06) MELO, Luciana Marinho de; ALENCAR, Edna Ferreira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7555559649274791
In this research, I deal with strategies for the ethnic recognition of the indigenous peoples from Boa Vista city, Roraima. This struggle is attributable to the State's refusal to recognize the ethnic belonging of self-declared indigenous people residing in an urban context, preventing their access to indigenous policies. This situation led to the creation of three organizations presided over by Macuxi and Wapichana leaderships, such as the City Indigenous Organization, Kapói Indigenous Association and Kuaikrî Indigenous Association, which present different strategies as a way of legitimizing ethnic belonging and aim, in general terms, the communion in the constitutional rights directed to the native peoples. The intention of this study is to identify the political strategies built around the ethnic identities of the Macuxi and Wapichana peoples of Boa Vista through the indigenous movement. By political outlines, I refer to the discursive and symbolic resources triggered in the construction of reclamation patterns, which are elaborated within organizations. The first hypothesis I propose to discuss about this issue is that the criteria and mechanisms adopted by the State agents become more restrictive and exclusive inasmuch as the indigenous movement in an urban context appropriates them. The second hypothesis is that the State's refusal to recognize ethnic identity reflects a strategically constructed stance that acquits it from responsibilities towards indigenous peoples. The ethnographic rummage focused mainly on the meetings and assemblies promoted by the organizations and made possible the analysis about the political construction of ethnic identities, the appropriation of the city as a place of ancestry, struggles, resistance, negotiations and dialogues led by leaders. The results of the analyzes demonstrate that the conflticting relationship with the State has as a consequence the strengthening of the urban indigenous movement and the emergence of new leaderships that aim not only to reverse the situation of ethnic invisibility in a city that has approximately 31,000 indigenous self-declared people, but political participation, including partisan participation. In this study, the theories on Ethnic Ethnicity and Identity, as well as ethnological studies, were primordial to this research.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Quando o pesquisador e o sujeito da pesquisa são um: reflexividade quilombola sobre pesca, conflito e disputa na RESEX Ipaú-Anilzinho e TQ de Joana Peres (PA)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-02-26) RIBEIRO FILHO, Manoel Machado; CAÑETE, Voyner Ravena; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9961199993740323; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8528-3086
When considering the looks full of meanings that pass through me, as I am a quilombola, born, raised in the quilombo and today working in a place of leadership, of a minority that seeks to communicate with the hegemonic society in a relationship without hierarchies, I bring my speech in this writing. By bringing my speech in this text, my memories, my belonging and experiences are present from the beginning to the end of this dissertation. Thinking and writing like this, this study comprises an autoethnography, which for Miranda (2022, p. 71) is understood “as a cultural analysis elaborated through personal narrative, where it is possible to develop a critical lens in an inside-outside praxis, of way to understand who we are in our communities.” In this context, I come to talk about the tensions that shape new relationships in the process of new delimitation of the territory in the context of the Extractive Reserve (RESEX) and Quilombola Territory (TQ), in conflict scenarios that came to be established and mark this relationship, particularly considering fishing activity and the community of Anilzinho. Joana Peres and Anilzinho are the only quilombola communities, of the six that make up RESEX, created on June 14, 2005. Two quilombola territories, pre-defined over time by leaders and fishermen, being joined to the same RESEX territory, from of its creation. While the territory of the Anilzinho community was included in its entirety in the RESEX, with regard to my quilombo village of Joana Peres, the RESEX divided its territory, part of the community area is inside the RESEX, the other is not, which goes beyond the surroundings of the unit.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Resistência e expropriação de famílias na Volta Grande do Xingu: o caso de duas áreas atingidas pela barragem de Belo Monte, Pará, Brasil
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2013-05-28) MAIA, Ricardo Eduardo Freitas; GUERRA, Gutemberg Armando Diniz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4262726973211880
This study made it possible to detail the mobilization against the construction of Belo Monte Hydroelectric Dam, from two distinct locations in Volta Grande do Xingu. Twenty six interviews have been made from May to July, 2012. The resistance against the construction of Belo Monte Dam spans over two decades, and it has gone through phases where there were position changes of the actors involved regarding the project, including the civil organizations. Regarding the peasants, these changes have dramatically influenced the way the conflict began, especially because their perception of the project depends upon the experience lived in the cited areas. In the municipality of São Raimundo Nonato and on the rural road connecting Ramal dos Penas, the mobilization turned possible due to the fear of changes, such as, losing their land and their production, the changes in their singular social relations grown in the area, the control in food production; however, such resistance emerged especially in those forced to leave the area, and the confrontations have been undermined fundamentally by the rapid social and environmental transformations after the beginning of the construction. In the areas named Ressaca, Garimpo do Galo and Ilha da Fazenda, one may notice that apart from the issues concerning the dam construction, there is the pressure as a result of the implementation of the mining project named Mineração Volta Grande. These expropriation fronts seem to increase even more the conflicts due to the changes in the construction area and the imminent displacement that may occur because of the mining project. Therefore, this study provides elements to the debate over other large investment projects that have undergone project or construction in the Amazon, followed by the peacemaking debate, the irreducibility in the construction, and consequently the natural displacement of residents for the progress and the common good, that overshadows lives and broaden social injustices.