Navegando por Autor "SOUSA, Marcos Felipe Rodrigues de"

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As Ideias antiambientais do agronegócio e a gestão bolsonarista: uma análise das políticas socioambientais no governo Bolsonaro (2019-2022)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-12-06) SOUSA, Marcos Felipe Rodrigues de; NASCIMENTO, Durbens Martins; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4086120226722277; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8118-5152
This thesis analyzes the convergences and divergences between the anti-environmental ideas of agribusiness interest groups and the socio-environmental policies formulated and implemented during the government of Jair Bolsonaro (2019 to 2022). In the presidential elections of 2018 and 2022, Bolsonaro received support from representative interest groups within the agribusiness sector, mainly due to his alignment with their ideas. Examples include the relaxation of environmental legislation and oversight, opposition to the demarcation of indigenous lands, criticism of environmental social movements, the militarization of rural areas, and the liberalization of agrochemicals, among others. Agribusiness leaders participated in the federal government, occupying high-ranking positions such as secretaries and ministers. Given this context, I conducted an analytical focus on the main representative groups of agribusiness highlighted in the literature. Among them are: the Brazilian Soybean Producers Association, the Parliamentary Front for Agriculture, the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brazil, and the Brazilian Agribusiness Association. The research employed a qualitative methodology, utilizing documentary analysis and thematic content analysis to categorize the anti-environmental ideas present in the documents of the analyzed interest groups and in the Bolsonaro government. From this analysis, the convergences and divergences of antienvironmental ideas in federal socio-environmental policies, institutional actions, and legislative projects related to Jair Bolsonaro's administration were assessed. The categories of policies analyzed included control and oversight of deforestation, anti-environmental legislative proposals from the Executive Branch, demarcation of indigenous lands, liberalization of agrochemicals, changes in environmental licensing regulations, and land tenure regulation. The theoretical analytical model used was discursive and ideational neoinstitutionalism, which considers the institutions and interests related to the ideas of political actors within a specific political, social, and institutional context. The results demonstrate that the anti-environmental ideas of agribusiness interest groups were present in the formulation and implementation of socio-environmental policies during the elections and the government of Jair Bolsonaro, particularly in anti-environmental and anti-indigenous policies. The Brazilian Soybean Producers Association and the Parliamentary Front for Agriculture showed significant convergence with the policies implemented during Bolsonaro's term, supporting his election in 2018 and 2022 and participating directly in the federal government structure. The Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brazil also exhibited convergence between its anti-environmental ideas and Bolsonaro’s policies, particularly in the relaxation of environmental licensing, liberalization of agrochemicals, opposition to the demarcation of indigenous lands, and changes in land policies. The Brazilian Agribusiness Association diverged from the main agribusiness groups regarding certain anti-environmental ideas of the government and did not support Bolsonaro's election in 2018 and 2022. However, this group converged with ideas contained in specific government policies related to environmental licensing and the relaxation of agrochemical approvals, as well as being favorable to the temporal framework regarding indigenous lands. Thus, it is evident that the anti-environmental ideas of the main interest groups in Brazilian agribusiness were present during Jair Bolsonaro's administration. Through infralegal acts, appointments of agribusiness leaders, changes through normative instructions and provisional measures, budget cuts, legislative projects, and other actions, the government managed to leverage institutional conditions favorable to the antienvironmental ideas of these groups. This thesis demonstrates how specific ideas of interest groups can be implemented within a governmental administration, particularly within the Brazilian institutional context.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Preferências partidárias e classes sociais: o petismo é um fenômeno classista?
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2020-05-04) SOUSA, Marcos Felipe Rodrigues de; RIBEIRO, Gustavo César de Macêdo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8785742397681355
The discussion about party preferences in Brazil shows their low rates. Though, research reveals that the influence of the Workers’ Party (PT) on the partisanship of Brazilians elevates the country to the world average of party identification, ahead of countries like Germany, Spain, and Mexico. Historically, this party has been linked to an impoverished social stratum, the working class, social movements, and trade unions, as a result of its organization and partisan brand. Nevertheless, electoral strategies and pragmatic changes in the PT in recent years have brought it closer to different social classes. Analyses of social classes and their party preferences in Brazil have often associated them with economic income and this has resulted in a high aggregation of social class locations. In this way, I use an alternative measurement, through occupation in the labour market and education. I adapt a typology of hybrid social classes, with neo-weberian aspects, based on the EGP model, and, neo-marxist, based on the research of Santos (2005; 2010). Thus, I analyse petismo - the party preference for the PT - and its role in social classes, with a historical series from 2002 to 2018. I use data from CESOP/ Datafolha surveys in a table for four categories of social classes. In this typology, I elaborate descriptive data, molding the so-called “Thomsen index” in the differences in levels of partisanship between social classes, in the likelihood of a social class position showing party sympathy to the PT, against the likelihood of another social class position doing the same, standardizing from the natural logarithm of the odds ratio. I use a logistic regression model with the response variable to petismo. In addition to the social class, in this model I use the covariables of sex, age, education, region, and government evaluation. The descriptive results denote a greater party preference to the PT for the category of individuals in the service class, with 36.10% in 2002 and a minimum of 8.9% among entrepreneurs and professionals in 2018. Such values fluctuate, being the self-employed and precarious exposing greater petismo throughout the series. However, the alternative measurement of social classes to the usual of Brazilian political science to petismo, the application of the Thomsen index, and logistic regression confirmed the limits of the social class variable for party preferences to the PT. This research concludes that petismo was not a social class phenomenon, but with a moderate and relative social class partisanship, mainly for precarious sectors of society.