Dissertações em Ciência Política (Mestrado) - PPGCP/IFCH
URI Permanente para esta coleçãohttps://repositorio.ufpa.br/handle/2011/4811
O Mestrado Acadêmico em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais teve início em 2008 e funciona no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política (PPGCP) do Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas (IFCH) da Universidade Federal do Pará (UFPA).
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Navegando Dissertações em Ciência Política (Mestrado) - PPGCP/IFCH por Orientadores "SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva"
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Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) Emendas parlamentares como estratégia de conexão eleitoral no contexto do orçamento autorizativo: 52ª legislatura (2003 – 2007)(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2014-10-21) VALE, Raul Meireles do; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341This paper investigates the Single Parliamentary Amendment (EPI) is an effective policy tool for maintaining and / or gaining new bailiwicks. Accordingly prepared and analyzed a database with Amendments approved by the Federal Representatives of the 52nd Legislature (2003-2007); its electoral performance in the municipalities where allocated Amendments. The work is divided into five chapters. At first we present the research design, Problem, Hypothesis and Objectives. The second presents the theories can explain the Legislative Executive x relationship. The third developed a discussion about the complexity of this relationship within the decision-making arena. In the fourth we discuss the methodology used to format the database from the primary banks Individual Parliamentary Amendments of the TSE Congress, Election Results and the IBGE Brazilian Municipalities. Data were analyzed by applying descriptive and inferential statistical methods, in particular, the Pearson correlation coefficient (r) to measure the strength of the relationship between the variables Total Balance Amendments and Electoral Results obtained by Mr, in the municipality for which approved amendments. In the last chapter, we analyze the data and present the findings trying to answer our Question Research. We found that there is no national standard for the behavior of the Correlation between Individual Amendment and Votes received by States of the Federation, however, the results showed that in 80 % of the Federative Units Correlation ranged from Moderate to Strong that leads us to infer Individual Amendment is that it is not able by itself to explain the phenomenon studied can not fail to recognize that it generates a significant political impact on the election result Mr. Municipality for which earmarked Amendment.Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) Financiamento de campanha e doação de partidos: um estudo sobre a disputa eleitoral de candidatos LGBT+ às Câmaras Municipais (2016 - 2020)(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-11-25) PINHEIRO, Fernanda do Nascimento; ALMEIDA, Naiara Sandi de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3451135311500060; HTTPS://ORCID.ORG/0000-0003-3343-5097; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341The political representation of minorities is essential for the construction of inclusive democratic institutions, enabling the demands of historically marginalised groups to be incorporated into public debate and the political landscape. The LGBT+ population represents a small group in the Brazilian Congress, but the growing number of candidates from this segment in the country's electoral disputes suggests a new horizon in the political representation of this group. Considering the social stigmatisation of this population both inside and outside the political arena, we question the reasons behind the low rate of LGBT+ candidates who were successful in the 2016 and 2020 elections. Specialised literature has pointed to the lack of symbolic capital and resources to finance electoral campaigns as factors that makes the electoral race more difficult. Thus, the main objective of this research is to analyse how inequalities in campaign financing influence the performance of LGBT+ candidates compared to heterosexual candidates in Brazilian municipal elections. We assume that (h1) LGBT+ candidates raise a lower rate of funds than heterosexual candidates; that (h2) racialised candidates receive lower funding than their non-racialised peers; and finally, that (h3) the distribution of campaign funds differs according to the political-ideological spectrum of the parties. Methodologically, we employed a quantitative method, using descriptive analyses of data collected from the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) and non-governmental organisations on the 2016 and 2020 municipal elections. The results pointed out that LGBT+ candidates raise fewer funds and that racialised candidates face more difficulties in terms of funding and electoral performance. In addition, a disparity was identified in the distribution of resources according to the political-ideological spectrum of the parties, with left-wing parties showing greater financial support than right-wing parties.Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) A imprensa e a política no Estado do Pará nas eleições majoritárias de 2010: atores, interesses e conflitos(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2012) CATETE, Karlla Gyselle Souza; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341The comparative analysis of editorial behavior of the two most relevant newspapers of the state of Pará – O Liberal and Diário do Pará – at the coverage of state government election and federal senate in 2010 was the main focus of this study, because of the rivalry and divergence that mark the relationship between these companies regarding political support to candidates and parties at local elections. This observation has intrigued us to verify if the companies used resources and/or strategies in favor o for against, through published information, groups to which they are aligned or reject, aiming to create a positive and/or negative perception of the candidates from the electorate. It also made us analyze if the creation of the law known as “Ficha Limpa” – Complementary Law nº. 135/2010 – has produced different conduct of the newspapers, trying to reach the elector, considering that, in Pará, two candidates to senate could have had their registration repealed if caught by this law – Jader Barbalho, from PMDB, and Paulo Rocha, from PT. The relation between media and politics in Pará is also established considering data from many scientific studies from other states, demonstrating then the economic and political interest of the analyzed companies, the real actors in this process that aims to influence the preens elector way to vote through journalism.Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) Jovens e idosos na política local: uma avaliação comparativa do perfil sociopolítico das candidaturas nas eleições municipais(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-09-18) MOREIRA, Jade Neves; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) Padrão ideológico das coligações nas eleições brasileiras: uma análise das alianças eleitorais a deputado federal em 2002 e 2006(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2010-12-03) CAVALCANTE, Maria Jeane da Silva; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341The present work is a discussion about the beharvior coligacionista of Brazilian political parties in electionas for the Office of Congressman in 2002 and 2006. The approach adopted sought to present data to enable reflection on the bahavior of Brazilian political parties to present themselves for election. This paper considers the hypothesis that the formation of coalitions in Brazil does not show a pattern of national ideology, they are constituted differently in different Brazilian regions, aiming to maximize their electoral gains. To conduct the research was conducted a statistical índex, in order to measure possible coalitions among ideological patterns of Brazilian political parties that competed for the posto f Deputy Federal elections of 2002 and 2006.Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) Perfil sóciopolítico das representantes eleitas para o Parlamento em Moçambique (1994, 1999, 2004 e 2014)(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2019-12-19) MACULUVE, Celeste Abel Cuad; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341As a result of the impacts of democracy that has been felt in the last few decades by almost everyone, there is an expansion of spaces that allow greater political participation by citizens at all levels. Equitively, new perspectives of citizens' political participation took place, among them, perspectives aimed at gender factors, as a way of integrating and reducing the gender gap in the political sphere. In this sense, the present research work aimed to analyze which aspects of the socio-political profile impact the election of women to parliament in Mozambique. The study sought to identify the profile of women who are elected deputies for the Assembly of the Republic, in an analysis of four legislatures, since the first multiparty election, in 1994, 1999, 2004 and 2014. The research sought to evidence the existing relationship between the socio professional and political profile of parliamentarians and the influence of the electoral and party system in the Mozambican sphere for the election of these women, regarding institutions as legitimate channels for society's choices, as a whole. As a methodological resource it is seen as a qualitative and quantitative research, using the database on the women's curriculum where variables related to: educational background, profession, party identification, sex, age, marital status were extracted. In the meantime, aiming to show if there is a socio-political profile that explains the participation and representation of women for the Assembly of the Republic of Mozambique. Find out for a reality not far from what has been listed by various surveys, with the preference for male representatives not necessarily depending on the differentiation of the socio-political profile, as for both sexes they are similar. However, the election of women to Members of the Assembly of the Republic of Mozambique tends to depend on being a member of the traditional parties, especially those that serve as a support base for the executive; have experience or political trajectory (hold public and / or partisan positions). It is worth mentioning the importance of quotas, since the Frente Liberação de Moçambique Party (FRELIMO) is the party that elects women the most and is the only party that joined voluntary party quotas.Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) O perfil sociopolítico de candidaturas evangélicas: um estudo das eleições municipais de 2016 e 2020(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-12-27) CONCEIÇÃO, Rafael Cavalcante Lisboa da; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341This research was developed with the aim of analyzing the participation of evangelical candidates in the electoral sphere, using as a locus of investigation the municipal elections held in 2016 and 2020 in the various municipalities that make up the political geography of Brazil. In short, the objective is to understand the profile of candidacies from evangelical people in the process of forming legislative benches in the sphere of local power, based on indicators of social differentiation such as: gender, race, education, age group and party ideology. The data were organized based on the electoral data repository of the Superior Electoral Court and support the thesis that even among the evangelical community certain social profiles such as being white, male, married and having experience within congregations are more valued to the detriment of women and black people, even if they have greater education and actively participate in the work carried out within churches.Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) A produção legislativa voltada ao público LGBT na Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil (1989-2013)(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2014-04-28) NINA, Alan Michel Santiago; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341The search for the guarantee some rights to people historically marginalized due to sexual orientation gains strength from the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution. Called Gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) seek, in addition to non-discrimination in various spheres, certain basic rights that would be in a democratic society dictates as the right to form a family (ensuring the welfare or property right, for example) or have a condition befitting the genre they have chosen (strengthening citizenship and dignity to the person). This study conducted a survey and analysis of LGBT demands that emerged in the Brazilian National Congress, through the House of Representatives, highlighting the legislative process regarding the Bills involving this specific population. This particular political demands, caused by pressure articulated for social groups, is caused by the stage of the democratic process, on which are founded the demands of social minorities within the contemporary institutions, as well as the result of a new conception of individual (non-essentialist), which emerged during the twentieth century. It was noticed that there is intense activity in this parliamentary lawmaking in disjointed rule, as well as the strong presence of groups opposed to LGBT policies. It also became clear that traditionally leftist parties appear more favorable to LGBT demands, although the most important guideline to determine the success or failure of certain policies is, as we will discuss in this work, linked to institutional factors.Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) A representação de candidaturas negras no cenário político brasileiro: um estudo das eleições municipais de 2016 e 2020(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2023-06-28) SILVA, Mariana Costa da; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341Item Acesso aberto (Open Access) A representação política da juventude na arena eleitoral: uma avaliação comparativa do perfil sociopolítico dos candidatos às Câmaras de Vereadores nos municípios brasileiros(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-08-23) SANTOS, Silvia Jaqueline da Silva; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341This work aims to analyze the sociopolitical profile of young candidates, using as a case study the elections held in 2016 and 2020, in the various municipalities that make up the political geography of Brazil. The objective is to examine the profile of young candidates in comparison with that of non-young candidates, based on the following variables: gender, race, education, marital status and party ideology. For comparative purposes, the research uses data from the Superior Electoral Court relating to the results of the 2016 and 2020 elections, evaluating only those elected. The research methodology was supported by procedures derived from descriptive statistics, which allow establishing associations between variables based on the absolute values and percentages existing in the differentiation markers between young people and non-young people. The research concluded that there are significant differences between young councilors in relation to candidates from other age groups, which indicates that there are changes in the socio-political profile of those elected throughout the country's generational transition observed in recent decades.