Dissertações em Ciência Política (Mestrado) - PPGCP/IFCH

URI Permanente para esta coleçãohttps://repositorio.ufpa.br/handle/2011/4811

O Mestrado Acadêmico em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais teve início em 2008 e funciona no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política (PPGCP) do Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas (IFCH) da Universidade Federal do Pará (UFPA).

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Agora exibindo 1 - 9 de 9

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Ação política e aparência em Hannah Arendt
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2011-09) PEQUENO JUNIOR, José Eronides de Sousa; VAZ, Celso Antônio Coelho; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0547983721448176
Political action and appearance as a place of prominence and reliability of reality are themes that permeate the thought of Hannah Arendt. Her thinking is marked by the disruption caused by totalitarianism and for her incessant search of the perception of reality and its reconstruction. This paper present this break and with that the problems around the political action and of appearance in a space for sharing words and actions. Start by political activity, their definitions and characteristics that make them a central concept not only for politics but for the existence of a space that guarantees the reality of our world: the appearance. This space is covered in a second time, your problems are also addressed by the view of some commentators. Totalitarianism, discussed in the third chapter, represents exactly the threat to this space and action because it wants to dismiss the man of his place in the world. Totalitarianism is a project to build a fictional world that does not accept rival the reality of our world. The relationship between the works Origens do Totalitarismo (2006) and A Condição Humana (2005a) becomes clear when we note that the main elements that constitute the human condition are denied by the elements that make up the totalitarian rule. To achieve the aim of this work was necessary resort of works of Hannah Arendt such as A Condição Humana (2005a), Entre o Passado e o Futuro (2005b), ¿Qué es política? (1997), A Vida do Espírito (2000) e Origens do Totalitarismo (2006). It is presented an exhibition of the theme of action and look for these works, and make use of commentators and critics of Arendt. This study sought to explore the concepts of appearance and action, developing their problems and placing them on the table by totalitarianism of annihilation of spontaneity and standardization of the crowds.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Atuação da Comissão de Seguridade Social e Família (CSSF) sobre matérias de Previdência e Assistência Social (1999-2018)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2020-11-27) SILVA, Raimunda Eliene Sousa; SILVA, Maria Dolores Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7277148176512169; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0067-5038
This dissertation analyzes the performance of the Social Security and Family Commission (SSFC) in the Chamber of Deputies with a focus on Social Security and Social Assistance policies from 1999 to 2018. The objective of the work is to analyze the internal dynamics of the SSFC from the perspective of approach neoinstitutional, whose debate focuses on the importance of institutional rules in defining the decision-making process. We observed the institutional context where the projects were discussed and voted on and the role of political actors. The analysis was made by two hypotheses: H1 states that “The commission acted proactively filtering and approving the social security and assistance proposals processed in the SSFC” and H2 maintains that “The commission has no conclusive power when what is on the agenda is a matter of interest. government coalition, due to the high degree of conflict they raise”. This is an exploratory study that quantifies and interprets the data related to the processing of proposals submitted to the committee, recorded in the annual reports of the legislative arena, available on the website of the Chamber of Deputies. The survey found that the SSFC is the third largest committee in number of parliamentarians and projects submitted for discussion, having a structure capable of deciding on the outcome of matters within its competence. The analysis of the data revealed a small number of altered projects within the commission, which leads us to infer that the legislative matters submitted to the SSFC presented issues of low conflict between the parties. The approved proposals were processed with low interference from urgent requests, and the decision deliberated by the SSFC was accepted. However, the results also showed that this commission is an important arena to streamline the Chamber's activities, acting as a filtering space for the projects presented, approving or rejecting them within its competence. The observed results suggest that the most complex issues, related to the Social Security and Social Assistance themes, obey a special procedure outside the SSFC.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Atuação da Defensoria Pública da União na Amazônia Legal em conflitos de natureza coletiva: período de 2004 a 2010
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2011) FERNANDES, Stanley Botti; CAMPAGNOLO, Maria da Graça Moraes Bittencourt; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6243854955499618
The bodies of the Justice System around the world have taken important places in the institutional-political scene, acting like real political agents entitled with Power resources. That phenomenon of judicialization of public life has occurred in Brazil, specially after the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution. The parties of the Justice System started to have major influence upon the social, economical and political context of the country, working on the enforcement of new rights and the shaping of public agenda. In view of such context, this dissertation analyzes the judicialization of politics in the Brazilian political-institutional circumstances, delimiting, however, its scope to working into the Federal District Attorneys in the Stated that compose the Legal Amazon on conflicts of a group nature, seeking to understand, fundamentally, the judicial and extrajudicial ways to mediate conflicts, the criteria for the institution actions over this type of controversies, as well as the outcome of those actions and relations with the Justice System. The central idea is that the mechanisms which favor inclusion in the justice system can play a major role in the enforcement of rights and the shaping of public agenda.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
A atuação Política da Coordenação de Proteção dos Direitos dos Povos Indígenas e das Populações Tradicionais (CPPITA) na Secretaria de Justiça e Direitos Humanos (SEJUDH)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2013-07-10) GOMES, Izaquiel Mateus Macedo; ASSIS, Eneida Corrêa de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7712390425145521
Institutions that deal with indigenous issues are present in the political scene, mainly from the Indian Protection Service (SPI), a posteriori, the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI) these national imprint. The indigenous issue in the state of Pará gain some visibility in the municipal government with the mayor of Bethlehem Edmilson Rodrigues (1997-2000, 2001-2004) and then with the Governor Ana Julia Carepa (2007-2010). Given the reforms the state executive, the Department of Justice becomes Secretary of Justice and Human Rights, which congregate demands of various political minorities between her coordination that deals with the protection and the rights of indigenous and traditional populations in which an indigenous came forward during the rule Ana Julia. Although space favored by the government Ana Julia was not possible to effect a state Indian policy seeking to understand the topic in local terms, there will be a historical review of the relationship between state and Indians in order to provide a framework DAS questions that have guided the dialogue in institutional aspect. THEN The analysis of political action Coordination of Protection of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and Traditional Populations (CPPITA) intra-inter Secretariat of Justice and Human Rights (SEJUDH) given the new political scenario which is configured with the Brazilian redemocracia.
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Do global ao nacional: a gênese da governança e das políticas públicas sobre mudança do clima no Brasil (1992-2012)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2012-08-30) SIQUEIRA, Carlos Eduardo de Souza; ABDALA, Fábio de Andrade; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3408499880781939
This study aims to identify how it was generated the paradigm of public policy on climate change in Brazil. To achieve this goal it is necessary an analytical course more relevant than was produced during this period, from the reality toward reality Global National. It is considered that such policies are based on two basic categories: globalization and governance. Studies of globalization discussed in this work and its environmental dimension, from the moment they have influenced the political agenda of national states, resulting in a contribution of the construction of contemporary governance, especially the concept of global governance climate, based on the intersection governance of global environmental issues that relate to the negative effects generated by climate change. Among the characteristics of this category are the presence of new actors, new issues and new correlation of forces, which requires a reorientation of national states, to the understanding and recognition of new patterns, including informal, not captured by government institutions or that is, a system of governance required by the new reality impacted by globalization, which poses challenges to the established order, as the issue of climate change, evidenced in the establishment of the Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol of the United Nations. We conclude by showing how this paradigm has influenced the construction of national and subnational climate change in Brazil.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
E-gov na amazônia: a busca por um governo mais transparente e democrático
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2014-10-09) ASSIS, Gustavo Bento de; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341; CORRÊA, Roberto Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0624569499031826
This study investigates the portals of state governments in the Amazon , sando saw the realization of e-government movements who want to deepen democracy through digital processes. The investigation was conducted in six states portals Amazon. The analysis model encompasses, on the one hand, the most technology and how these portals are providing information to citizens aspects in order to create facilities and opportunities for their lives. And secondly - and this is the most important aspect - those relating to accountability and popular participation. All this has the sense to see how the portals have been constituted as an instrument to deepen democracy in the Amazon states and realization of a new type of society: the digital. The theoretical model undertakes categories of e-government, accountability and popular participation. The results are not encouraging, also converging with international experience. What is observed is that the portals, in general, have adequate technological resources, there are conditions of good navigation, information search. Thus, the technology does not seem to be a problem. What portals resent really is greater interactivity, it can be inferred that the relations established are fundamentally the government-to-citizen type, with the government issuing and society, it seems, the receiver liabilities, while away the inversion of this relationship for citizen-to-government.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Governos de gabinete e coalizões cíclicas no ultrapresidencialismo estadual: a experiência no Amazonas
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2010-03-30) LEITE, Breno Rodrigo de Messias; CORRÊA, Roberto Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0624569499031826
SUBJECT – The purpose of my research is to analyze the mechanisms that structure the cabinet governments and the cyclic coalitions in Amazonas state-level ultrapresidentialism. In other words I have on focus explaining the governor‟s logic of success, of his legislative coalition, and of his cabinet in the constitution of a superdominance web in electoral, parliamentary, and executive arenas. PERIOD – In this case study I analyze four administrations by three Amazonas‟ governors: Gilberto Mestrinho (1991-1994), Amazonino Mendes (1995-1998 e 1999-2002) e Eduardo Braga (2003-2006), and four Legislative Assembly legislatures. THEORY – As theoretical orientation I use the contribution of public choice theory and the institutional analysis. I begin by the premise that the governor plays attempting maximize his rent-utility function within a certain institutional structure (covered by the gubernatorial coattails logic) that incentive the cooperative and length strategic interaction among the main players (governors, state deputies, ministers, and citizen-voters) in multiple decision arenas. METHODOLOGY – Firstly I use the Experimental Studies Laboratory (LEEX) data archives to set up a map of the electoral, party, and parliamentary dynamics. Then I work with Legislative Assembly of Amazonas (ALEAM) data archives to check the legislative production organization (successful ordinary law projects), and the governor‟s party-parliamentary coalition strength. Finally I handle my own data archive on the ministerial circulation, and consequently I apply and calculate the coalescence rate to estimate the proportionality levels of ultrapresidential cabinet governments. CONCLUSION AND OUTCOMES – The governors mount up the monopoly of Executive power agenda and ones control with a lot of efficiency the Legislative agenda. Moreover they share out the patronage resources as selective incentives to their allies in the multiple arenas games. As consequence I conclude that the majority in the state-level ultrapresidentialism is done, on the one hand, by appearing of cyclic coalitions with large party support in legislative arena; and, on the other, by building cabinet governments with zigzag participation of legislators, partisans, and specialists.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
O planejamento territorial participativo do Pará e o processo de formulação, implementação e tomada de decisões de políticas públicas: inovação e limites para a democracia participativa
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2012-10-19) MESQUITA, Thiago Broni de; SILVA, Dolores Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7277148176512169
By taking the state government of Pará in 2007, the then Governor Ana Julia Carepa (PT) presents the Participative Territorial Planning which was an instrument through which the Government of the State of Pará aimed to ensure popular participation and decentralization of management, through steps where the population was consulted on issues and public policy proposals advocated local or regional. These proposals were incorporated into the statutory planning instruments (PPA, LDO, LOA) for the government to implement over the 04 years of management. The process involved the participation of more than 80,000 people across the state and elected councilors to compose 3983 12 Regional Councils of Popular Participation and more Counselors State 105 to compose the State Board of Public Participation. However, the project worked on actors with veto power within the executive branch, who ultimately decided not to implement public policy through the PTP, due to interests and infighting in the government. Thus this thesis aims to analyze the factors that have prevented the action of the PTP, making the process ineffective during the years 2007 and 2010.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Preferências partidárias e classes sociais: o petismo é um fenômeno classista?
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2020-05-04) SOUSA, Marcos Felipe Rodrigues de; RIBEIRO, Gustavo César de Macêdo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8785742397681355
The discussion about party preferences in Brazil shows their low rates. Though, research reveals that the influence of the Workers’ Party (PT) on the partisanship of Brazilians elevates the country to the world average of party identification, ahead of countries like Germany, Spain, and Mexico. Historically, this party has been linked to an impoverished social stratum, the working class, social movements, and trade unions, as a result of its organization and partisan brand. Nevertheless, electoral strategies and pragmatic changes in the PT in recent years have brought it closer to different social classes. Analyses of social classes and their party preferences in Brazil have often associated them with economic income and this has resulted in a high aggregation of social class locations. In this way, I use an alternative measurement, through occupation in the labour market and education. I adapt a typology of hybrid social classes, with neo-weberian aspects, based on the EGP model, and, neo-marxist, based on the research of Santos (2005; 2010). Thus, I analyse petismo - the party preference for the PT - and its role in social classes, with a historical series from 2002 to 2018. I use data from CESOP/ Datafolha surveys in a table for four categories of social classes. In this typology, I elaborate descriptive data, molding the so-called “Thomsen index” in the differences in levels of partisanship between social classes, in the likelihood of a social class position showing party sympathy to the PT, against the likelihood of another social class position doing the same, standardizing from the natural logarithm of the odds ratio. I use a logistic regression model with the response variable to petismo. In addition to the social class, in this model I use the covariables of sex, age, education, region, and government evaluation. The descriptive results denote a greater party preference to the PT for the category of individuals in the service class, with 36.10% in 2002 and a minimum of 8.9% among entrepreneurs and professionals in 2018. Such values fluctuate, being the self-employed and precarious exposing greater petismo throughout the series. However, the alternative measurement of social classes to the usual of Brazilian political science to petismo, the application of the Thomsen index, and logistic regression confirmed the limits of the social class variable for party preferences to the PT. This research concludes that petismo was not a social class phenomenon, but with a moderate and relative social class partisanship, mainly for precarious sectors of society.

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