Dissertações em Ciência Política (Mestrado) - PPGCP/IFCH

URI Permanente para esta coleçãohttps://repositorio.ufpa.br/handle/2011/4811

O Mestrado Acadêmico em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais teve início em 2008 e funciona no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política (PPGCP) do Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas (IFCH) da Universidade Federal do Pará (UFPA).

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Acesso aberto (Open Access)
A representação de candidaturas negras no cenário político brasileiro: um estudo das eleições municipais de 2016 e 2020
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2023-06-28) SILVA, Mariana Costa da; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Partidos políticos, relação executivo-legislativo e a produção legislativa da comissão de constituição, justiça e cidadania do Senado Federal de 2003 a 2018
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-07-24) CARVALHO, Rodrigo Cordeiro; RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3593569714396077; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-4804
Considering the legislative studies agenda on the Brazilian Federal Senate, due to its role in the decision-making process, and the contribution of this agenda to discover the characteristics of the functioning of parliamentary committees, this research is based on the following problem. Did the parties coordinate the Executive-Legislative relationship in the legislative production of the Senate's Committee on Constitution, Justice, and Citizenship (CCJ) from 2003 to 2018? From this, the objectives are: to verify if there is a positive relationship between senators' previous political experience and their chances of occupying the CCJ; to observe if the party of the committee's president tends to appoint rapporteurs from its own party; to examine if there is a positive relationship between the occupation of the CCJ by the government coalition and the number of executive projects reported by this group each year; to check if there is a positive relationship between the degree of ideological heterogeneity of the government coalition and the frequency of using the terminative power in the CCJ. To do so, it was first discovered who occupied the CCJ and by which parties at the beginning and end of each legislative session through the Annual Reports of the Presidency (from 2003 to 2018); then, based on the biographies of the parliamentarians, data related to prior expertise (political career [number of mandates of the parliamentarian when occupying the CCJ and previous passage through elective positions in the Executive or Legislative branches], level of education, and profession) of these occupants were observed; finally, based on the results of the CCJ's deliberative meetings, information on authorship, rapporteurship, and opinions of each legislative proposition was collected - this stage, when necessary, was complemented by biographical research about federal deputies (in order to discover their respective party affiliations at the moments of voting on the matters, when the authorship was by a deputy). All the necessary documents and information to fulfill the described steps are available on the websites of the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The data treatment was done using Excel spreadsheets, resulting in tables and graphs on the CCJ's occupation and legislative production throughout the established time frame. It is concluded that: the CCJ is mostly occupied by coalition government parties, but it presents equal chances of being chaired by both this group and the opposition, with the overall occupation characterized by senators in their first term in the Senate and with previous passages through both the Executive and Legislative branches, who remain in the committee for just over four years, have higher education, and are lawyers or professors, aged between 50 and 69 years, representing the male gender; the parties in the committee's presidency appoint more rapporteurs from their own parties, with a dominance of the coalition, both in rapporteurship and in proposition, and it also dominates the rapporteurship of executive initiatives; the results indicated by the rapporteurs are mostly for approval without changes (39.2%), but are closely followed by approval with alterations (amendment/substitute, 36.7%), and the voting on these opinions results in approval in 98.6% of cases, mostly with the non-terminative decision type (64.1%), while the percentage of terminative decisions seems negatively related to the degree of ideological heterogeneity of the coalition.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
A frente parlamentar da agropecuária e sua atuação nas comissões de agricultura, pecuária, abastecimento e desenvolvimento rural (CAPADR) e da comissão de meio ambiente e desenvolvimento sustentável (CMADS)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2023-05-23) FARIAS, Samara Pereira; RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3593569714396077; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-4804
Political Parties are important in the organization of legislative process in Brazil. Another setting is present in the legislative, the Parliamentary Fronts, a multiparty group, that make possible for the congressmen to transit among several situations. This study refers to a relation between political parties and Parliamentary Fronts, thinking how parties can get advantages in the commissions through this political structure. This work will research the constitution of the Parliamentary Front of Agricultural (FPA) and its role in the Commission for Agriculture, Food Supply and Rural Development (CAPADR) even as Commission for Environmental and Sustainable Development (CMADS). Analyses the occupation of FPA members in the positions of holders in theses commissions. Examining what is your ability to control about the key positions within them, presidency, and rapporteurs to guarantee decisions that express the interests of the FPA. The survey refers to years 2007 to 2018, starting at fiftieth third to fiftieth fifth legislature. Data were collected in three dimensions: the composition of the FPA in the legislatures; the compositions pf the commissions; and the distribution of reports in CAPADR e CMADS. In the composition of the FPA, parliamentarians from states in which the agricultural sector is more relevant to the economy predominate. It was verified that, regarding the presidencies of the commissions, there is a greater occupation by the FPA in CAPADR, indicating that this front favors the performance of its members in this Commission. The presence of FPA members at CMADS is also significant, although it does not reach 50%. This context is repeated in the reports. The results proposed in the reports of the committees were also analyzed, in order to observe whether there are differences in approval and rejection rates of reports made by members and non- members of the FPA. In this case, although there are some differences, they are not significant between the commissions. Complementarily, it was also possible to observe the success of the reports of the members of the FPA. In the case of CAPADR there was no report from FPA members rejected. Three of the five reports rejected at CMADS were from FPA members. It is possible to notice greater strength of the FPA in CAPADR, exactly in the commission that is more directly linked to the rural theme, explaining the FPA's strategy of controlling key points of power in the legislative power of Brazil.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Audiências públicas – composição, aspectos informacionais e partidários da comissão de segurança pública e combate ao crime organizado (CSPCCO) na Câmara dos Deputados: 2007-2022.
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-03-07) COSTA, Natalia Pinto; RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3593569714396077; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-4804
This research aims to investigate: 1) the profile of attendees at the public hearings of the Public Security and Combating Organized Crime Committee (CSPCCO) of the Chamber of Deputies, during the years 2007-2022 (53rd, 54th, 55th, and 56th legislatures), and 2) the party variations in inviting speakers to these hearings. It starts from the premise that the committee space is the institutional locus of protagonism within the decision-making process, with the structure capable of specializing lawmakers, as well as collecting information from external members of the National Congress, with Public Hearings being a tool capable of facilitating this exchange of specializations. Committees are understood as spaces where party influence and stable decision-making can be exerted. Therefore, to achieve the proposed objectives, a case study methodology on the composition/profile of CSPCO deputies during the aforementioned legislatures and a literature review on legislative organization and thematic committees in the decision-making process will be used to contribute to the research agenda that highlights thematic committees as a relevant space that generates various informational and partisan gains. The results showed that there are indications that partisan incentives in this committee exhibit strong informational traits in the hearings. The analysis also highlighted the importance and multiplicity of objectives that public hearings can assume.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Filiações e ideologia partidária nos municípios do Pará
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-07-22) MATOS, João Paulo Freitas; RIBEIRO, Gustavo César de Macêdo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8785742397681355; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6467-6558
This paper proposes to conduct a study in the area of Political Science by exploring socioeconomic data from 144 municipalities in Pará and relating them to the membership data updated monthly by the Superior Electoral Court according to their ideological positions on the right-center-left wing scale. To achieve this result, first of all, it was important to seek information from the main sources of literature in Brazil about data from recent years on party membership in municipalities stratified by population, GDP, geographic location, favorable times for membership, and the definition of party ideology by spectrum. In the second part, content on party membership in Pará was explored, presenting a brief history of the three parties with the most members: “MDB”, “PT” and “PSDB”, such as their trajectory of rise, their important personalities, the presence of permanent/temporary party directories and how these can influence the infiltration of new members in the municipalities. In the last part, the work explores data from the IBGE in order to divide the municipalities into large, medium and small population sizes; high, medium and low Gross Domestic Product; Mesoregion: Baixo Amazonas, Marajó, Metropolitana de Belém, Nordeste Paraense, Sodoeste Paraense and Sudeste Paraense. Next, it analyzes which parties are right-center-left wing according to the production of Brazilian political science, and then observes the predominance of affiliation by ideology for each of the socioeconomic segments to be trained. It is found that an average percentage of affiliations to the right is higher in municipalities with small population sizes. The Região Metropolitana de Belém region was registered by the second lowest average of affiliation to the right. The Sudoeste Paraense region is not even among the top three in average affiliation to the right and the average affiliation to the left is higher among municipalities with a ‘high’ GDP compared to the others.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Financiamento de campanha e doação de partidos: um estudo sobre a disputa eleitoral de candidatos LGBT+ às Câmaras Municipais (2016 - 2020)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-11-25) PINHEIRO, Fernanda do Nascimento; ALMEIDA, Naiara Sandi de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3451135311500060; HTTPS://ORCID.ORG/0000-0003-3343-5097; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341
The political representation of minorities is essential for the construction of inclusive democratic institutions, enabling the demands of historically marginalised groups to be incorporated into public debate and the political landscape. The LGBT+ population represents a small group in the Brazilian Congress, but the growing number of candidates from this segment in the country's electoral disputes suggests a new horizon in the political representation of this group. Considering the social stigmatisation of this population both inside and outside the political arena, we question the reasons behind the low rate of LGBT+ candidates who were successful in the 2016 and 2020 elections. Specialised literature has pointed to the lack of symbolic capital and resources to finance electoral campaigns as factors that makes the electoral race more difficult. Thus, the main objective of this research is to analyse how inequalities in campaign financing influence the performance of LGBT+ candidates compared to heterosexual candidates in Brazilian municipal elections. We assume that (h1) LGBT+ candidates raise a lower rate of funds than heterosexual candidates; that (h2) racialised candidates receive lower funding than their non-racialised peers; and finally, that (h3) the distribution of campaign funds differs according to the political-ideological spectrum of the parties. Methodologically, we employed a quantitative method, using descriptive analyses of data collected from the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) and non-governmental organisations on the 2016 and 2020 municipal elections. The results pointed out that LGBT+ candidates raise fewer funds and that racialised candidates face more difficulties in terms of funding and electoral performance. In addition, a disparity was identified in the distribution of resources according to the political-ideological spectrum of the parties, with left-wing parties showing greater financial support than right-wing parties.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
O Financiamento público e a cartelização do sistema partidário brasileiro: uma análise sobre os pequenos partidos nas eleições para Deputado Federal de 2022
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-05-15) LOPES, Débora Evelyn Lima; SANTOS, Rodrigo Dolandeli dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0375894180479456
The imminent research has as its object of study the public financing system, especially the Special Campaign Financing Fund (S.C.F.F.), given the size of each party, in order to identify the distribution pattern of this resource and its relationship with the thesis of cartelization which, in summary, indicates that a small number of political parties dominate the political scene and exercise disproportionate control over the political process (Katz and Mair, 1995; Speck and Campos, 2021). To this end, we seek to use mixed methods, with qualitative-quantitative research, through descriptive statistics, raising more comprehensive questions, to understand the subsequent and more specific problem. Thus, reviewed through the literature, we seek to describe party typologies, differentiating them, especially in the aspect of financing, with a focus on cartelization and possible impacts on small parties; Identify characteristics of the Brazilian political system, with analysis of the constitutional and electoral legislation relating to the Party Fund and the S.C.F.F., in addition to, through quantitative analysis, classifying the size of the parties, based on the number of votes obtained for Federal Deputy in the year 2022, jointly analyzing the S.C.F.F. values, distributed this same year, with data obtained from the database available on the Superior Electoral Court (S.E.C) website, to then identify among the concentrated, dispersed and neutral patterns, which ones would be most evident in the Brazilian public financing system, especially with regard to the possibility of cartelization, focusing on small parties. The research is justified by the need to update data and analysis with an approach to the S.C.F.F., given the relevance of public financing to electoral races, as well as in view of recent constitutional and electoral changes, such as the introduction of the barrier clause through EC 97/2017 which imposed requirements for access to Party Fund resources and the impossibility of forming coalitions in proportional elections that also characterize the political system. In this way, it is expected that the results can contribute to a greater understanding of cartelization in the public financing system, given the identification of how such characteristics occur and whether they persist in the Brazilian scenario.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Produção legislativa sobre mulheres no Senado Federal (2015 a 2022)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-12-20) ALVES, Camila Lobo da Gama; SOUSA, Rayza Sarmento de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2829775863179545; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9817-7941
This study focuses on legislative production concerning women in the Federal Senate, with an emphasis on the proposals made by male and female senators during the last two legislative periods, from 2015 to 2018 and from 2019 to 2022 (the 55th and 56th legislatures). The research discusses the relationships between group representation, with a focus on feminist authors, and addresses the internal dynamics of the Federal Senate's composition. Utilizing both quantitative and qualitative approaches, the study analyzes 134 bills introduced within the aforementioned timeframe, aiming to examine which themes are most frequent and which ones are most approved among the analyzed bills. Additionally, it investigates, based on gender and political party ideology, who proposes the most within these themes. The analysis reveals that the political party PODEMOS proposed the most within the analyzed theme, the state of Espírito Santo had the highest number of proposals, and 2019 was the year with the most activity. The most prevalent theme was violence against women, followed by policies on paternity and maternity, which were predominantly proposed by female legislators. Furthermore, the majority of the proposals originated from members of right-wing parties. By the end of the analysis period, at the close of the 56th legislature, 30 bills had been approved, and two had become laws.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
O perfil sociopolítico de candidaturas evangélicas: um estudo das eleições municipais de 2016 e 2020
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-12-27) CONCEIÇÃO, Rafael Cavalcante Lisboa da; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341
This research was developed with the aim of analyzing the participation of evangelical candidates in the electoral sphere, using as a locus of investigation the municipal elections held in 2016 and 2020 in the various municipalities that make up the political geography of Brazil. In short, the objective is to understand the profile of candidacies from evangelical people in the process of forming legislative benches in the sphere of local power, based on indicators of social differentiation such as: gender, race, education, age group and party ideology. The data were organized based on the electoral data repository of the Superior Electoral Court and support the thesis that even among the evangelical community certain social profiles such as being white, male, married and having experience within congregations are more valued to the detriment of women and black people, even if they have greater education and actively participate in the work carried out within churches.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Jovens e idosos na política local: uma avaliação comparativa do perfil sociopolítico das candidaturas nas eleições municipais
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-09-18) MOREIRA, Jade Neves; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Dimensões do regime eleitoral de gênero: uma comparação entre Brasil e México.
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-12-27) OLIVEIRA, Rosemery Silva de; SANTOS, Rodrigo Dolandeli dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0375894180479456
The low representation of women in the Brazilian Legislative Assembly has been a historical problem that demands coordinated actions to overcome. The Brazilian population is made up of 51% women, but representation in Parliament does not even reach half of this proportion. Mexico also faced this problem, but implemented a reform integrating properties and which today serves as a model for the world, as a State that instituted gender parity. In this study, structured based on a comparative analysis, we compare the gender electoral regime implemented in Mexico with the regime in force in Brazil. The literature reveals that Mexico adopts a strong model, while Brazil does not meet most of the criteria highlighted as a parameter, allowing Brazil to be classified as a weak regime, with an institutional design disjointed from a central objective. In addition to the comparison between the institutional designs in question, we bring to the analysis electoral data from 2018 and 2022, from the elections for the Brazilian Legislative Assemblies, to illustrate the proportions of underrepresentation, providing greater substance to our findings.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
A dinâmica da política de mineração em territórios indígenas nos governos da nova república
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-05-17) SIQUEIRA, Isabella Feitoza; CABRAL, Eugênia Rosa; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2195250873603926; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7601-1465
In 2020, the Brazilian Executive Branch introduced Bill (PL) 191/2020 to the National Congress, which was expedited under an emergency designation that same year. This legislative measure, designed to regulate mining activities within Indigenous Territories (ITs), was not the first government initiative on this issue, nor was it the first time that mining in ITs was discussed within the combined political agendas of the executive and legislative branches. Despite the lack of resolution on this political issue by 2023, it has been acknowledged by political authorities as a significant concern and has consistently been included on the agendas of the executive and legislative branches for the past 40 years, and more recently, of the judiciary. The issue has prompted numerous debates and conflicts over interests among parliamentarians most actively involved. Given the political and social significance of the topic, the principal aim of this study is to analyze the evolution and diversification of conflicts, strategies, and discourses related to indigenous mineral policy within the Legislative Branch since the enactment of the current Brazilian Federal Constitution. This research involved several stages of data review and categorization, focusing on legislative initiatives concerning the issue. The comprehensive dataset analyzed includes: 47 bills, 3 complementary bills, 2 provisional measures, 30 legislative decree projects, 1 constitutional amendment, and 167 parliamentary amendments from both the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate. These initiatives were evaluated using the content analysis method as proposed by Bardin (1977). Additionally, the profiles of key political actors involved over time were scrutinized. The organization and analysis of the results employed the Advocacy Coalition Framework by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1994), enhanced by the methodological approaches and reflections of Capano (2009; 2012) and Kay (2006) for conducting dynamic analyses of public policies. The analysis identified two advocacy coalitions that have significantly influenced the agenda on mining in Indigenous Territories over time. The first coalition, advocating for the maximization of mineral extraction in Amerindian territories, comprises political actors financed by the mining and agribusiness sectors; they oppose the demarcation of Indigenous lands and support illegal mining. The second coalition contends that mineral exploitation in Indigenous lands should incorporate stringent social, environmental, and economic preservation measures. Ultimately, the ideas and interests of these advocacy coalitions, actions by the Executive Branch, the institutional framework of the National Mining Agency, and Brazil’s international image, have been pivotal in shaping the variations and stalemates of this decision-making agenda within the Legislative Power over time.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Política ambiental na Amazônia: governos estaduais e unidades de conservação
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-12-30) OLIVEIRA, Gabriel Creão de; COSTA, Maycon Yuri Nascimento; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2793543832894029; HTTPS://ORCID.ORG/0000-0003-2645-9744; CABRAL, Eugênia Rosa; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2195250873603926; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7601-1465
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
A representação política da juventude na arena eleitoral: uma avaliação comparativa do perfil sociopolítico dos candidatos às Câmaras de Vereadores nos municípios brasileiros
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2024-08-23) SANTOS, Silvia Jaqueline da Silva; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341
This work aims to analyze the sociopolitical profile of young candidates, using as a case study the elections held in 2016 and 2020, in the various municipalities that make up the political geography of Brazil. The objective is to examine the profile of young candidates in comparison with that of non-young candidates, based on the following variables: gender, race, education, marital status and party ideology. For comparative purposes, the research uses data from the Superior Electoral Court relating to the results of the 2016 and 2020 elections, evaluating only those elected. The research methodology was supported by procedures derived from descriptive statistics, which allow establishing associations between variables based on the absolute values and percentages existing in the differentiation markers between young people and non-young people. The research concluded that there are significant differences between young councilors in relation to candidates from other age groups, which indicates that there are changes in the socio-political profile of those elected throughout the country's generational transition observed in recent decades.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
A comissão mista no processo decisório da Medida Provisória da Reforma do Ensino Médio (MPV Nº 746/2016)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2020-12-03) PORTÉGIO, Suziany de Oliveira; RUBIATTI, Bruno de Castro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3593569714396077; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3167-4804
The present dissertation has as object of analysis the parliamentary action that took place inside the Mixed Commission of Provisional Measure nº 746/2016, which dealt with the High School Reform, such reform establishes new guidelines for the Brazilian educational formative process. With the intention of answering how parliamentarians acted in proposing and approving amendments to the text proposed by the Executive, we first seek to make a historic rescue regarding the institutional design of the coalition presidential government in operation in Brazil, giving space to the debate that positive theories bring to the address parliamentary performance. Then, we talk about the role of the commission system and the use of provisional measures in the Brazilian decision-making process, pointing out its relevance in the legislative scenario. Finally, when we understand the mixed commissions as specific spaces for project deliberation; we started to study the amendment work that took place inside the Joint Commission of Provisional Measure nº 746/2016; where it was possible to observe that the opposition proposed a significant amount of amendments in an MPV of paramount importance for the Executive's agenda, that is, members outside the coalition seek (and manage) to change the Executive's proposal. The Legislature acts on the Executive's proposal by changing its points and placing its preferences, even in the face of an instrument for the exclusive use of the Executive. In addition to concluding that the mixed commissions have an important role in the decision-making process.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Atuação da Comissão de Seguridade Social e Família (CSSF) sobre matérias de Previdência e Assistência Social (1999-2018)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2020-11-27) SILVA, Raimunda Eliene Sousa; SILVA, Maria Dolores Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7277148176512169; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0067-5038
This dissertation analyzes the performance of the Social Security and Family Commission (SSFC) in the Chamber of Deputies with a focus on Social Security and Social Assistance policies from 1999 to 2018. The objective of the work is to analyze the internal dynamics of the SSFC from the perspective of approach neoinstitutional, whose debate focuses on the importance of institutional rules in defining the decision-making process. We observed the institutional context where the projects were discussed and voted on and the role of political actors. The analysis was made by two hypotheses: H1 states that “The commission acted proactively filtering and approving the social security and assistance proposals processed in the SSFC” and H2 maintains that “The commission has no conclusive power when what is on the agenda is a matter of interest. government coalition, due to the high degree of conflict they raise”. This is an exploratory study that quantifies and interprets the data related to the processing of proposals submitted to the committee, recorded in the annual reports of the legislative arena, available on the website of the Chamber of Deputies. The survey found that the SSFC is the third largest committee in number of parliamentarians and projects submitted for discussion, having a structure capable of deciding on the outcome of matters within its competence. The analysis of the data revealed a small number of altered projects within the commission, which leads us to infer that the legislative matters submitted to the SSFC presented issues of low conflict between the parties. The approved proposals were processed with low interference from urgent requests, and the decision deliberated by the SSFC was accepted. However, the results also showed that this commission is an important arena to streamline the Chamber's activities, acting as a filtering space for the projects presented, approving or rejecting them within its competence. The observed results suggest that the most complex issues, related to the Social Security and Social Assistance themes, obey a special procedure outside the SSFC.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Preferências partidárias e classes sociais: o petismo é um fenômeno classista?
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2020-05-04) SOUSA, Marcos Felipe Rodrigues de; RIBEIRO, Gustavo César de Macêdo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8785742397681355
The discussion about party preferences in Brazil shows their low rates. Though, research reveals that the influence of the Workers’ Party (PT) on the partisanship of Brazilians elevates the country to the world average of party identification, ahead of countries like Germany, Spain, and Mexico. Historically, this party has been linked to an impoverished social stratum, the working class, social movements, and trade unions, as a result of its organization and partisan brand. Nevertheless, electoral strategies and pragmatic changes in the PT in recent years have brought it closer to different social classes. Analyses of social classes and their party preferences in Brazil have often associated them with economic income and this has resulted in a high aggregation of social class locations. In this way, I use an alternative measurement, through occupation in the labour market and education. I adapt a typology of hybrid social classes, with neo-weberian aspects, based on the EGP model, and, neo-marxist, based on the research of Santos (2005; 2010). Thus, I analyse petismo - the party preference for the PT - and its role in social classes, with a historical series from 2002 to 2018. I use data from CESOP/ Datafolha surveys in a table for four categories of social classes. In this typology, I elaborate descriptive data, molding the so-called “Thomsen index” in the differences in levels of partisanship between social classes, in the likelihood of a social class position showing party sympathy to the PT, against the likelihood of another social class position doing the same, standardizing from the natural logarithm of the odds ratio. I use a logistic regression model with the response variable to petismo. In addition to the social class, in this model I use the covariables of sex, age, education, region, and government evaluation. The descriptive results denote a greater party preference to the PT for the category of individuals in the service class, with 36.10% in 2002 and a minimum of 8.9% among entrepreneurs and professionals in 2018. Such values fluctuate, being the self-employed and precarious exposing greater petismo throughout the series. However, the alternative measurement of social classes to the usual of Brazilian political science to petismo, the application of the Thomsen index, and logistic regression confirmed the limits of the social class variable for party preferences to the PT. This research concludes that petismo was not a social class phenomenon, but with a moderate and relative social class partisanship, mainly for precarious sectors of society.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Perfil sóciopolítico das representantes eleitas para o Parlamento em Moçambique (1994, 1999, 2004 e 2014)
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2019-12-19) MACULUVE, Celeste Abel Cuad; SOUZA, Carlos Augusto da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7158504535308341
As a result of the impacts of democracy that has been felt in the last few decades by almost everyone, there is an expansion of spaces that allow greater political participation by citizens at all levels. Equitively, new perspectives of citizens' political participation took place, among them, perspectives aimed at gender factors, as a way of integrating and reducing the gender gap in the political sphere. In this sense, the present research work aimed to analyze which aspects of the socio-political profile impact the election of women to parliament in Mozambique. The study sought to identify the profile of women who are elected deputies for the Assembly of the Republic, in an analysis of four legislatures, since the first multiparty election, in 1994, 1999, 2004 and 2014. The research sought to evidence the existing relationship between the socio professional and political profile of parliamentarians and the influence of the electoral and party system in the Mozambican sphere for the election of these women, regarding institutions as legitimate channels for society's choices, as a whole. As a methodological resource it is seen as a qualitative and quantitative research, using the database on the women's curriculum where variables related to: educational background, profession, party identification, sex, age, marital status were extracted. In the meantime, aiming to show if there is a socio-political profile that explains the participation and representation of women for the Assembly of the Republic of Mozambique. Find out for a reality not far from what has been listed by various surveys, with the preference for male representatives not necessarily depending on the differentiation of the socio-political profile, as for both sexes they are similar. However, the election of women to Members of the Assembly of the Republic of Mozambique tends to depend on being a member of the traditional parties, especially those that serve as a support base for the executive; have experience or political trajectory (hold public and / or partisan positions). It is worth mentioning the importance of quotas, since the Frente Liberação de Moçambique Party (FRELIMO) is the party that elects women the most and is the only party that joined voluntary party quotas.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Accountability e contas públicas: uma análise das contas públicas do Poder Executivo pelo Tribunal de Contas dos Municípios do Estado do Pará no período de 2005 a 2014
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2016-11-07) OTA, Kleber da Cunha; SIQUEIRA, Edir Veiga; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9176462002883343
This study has as main objective to analyze the institutional control of public accounts by the Court of Audit Municipalities on the Executive Branch of each Pará Municipality. In this construct, we sought to determine whether the Municipalities Court of Auditors is an effective organ in the control of public accounts, from their decisions, constituting, as a very important accountability mechanism for management of Para public accounts, yet if the Board of Auditors, in its entirety indicated by the ruling political elites demonstrate impartiality in his decisions. To achieve the proposed answers, found by the Theory of accountability, extract the normative theory, guiding the duties of public administration and government, with the purpose and need to protect the citizens of poor bureaucratic conduct. also applying a reflection using the Theory of Regulatory Agencies, facing the external control exercised by the Court of the State of Pará municipalities, as the body attribute assist the City Council. In Project methodology of qualitative research techniques were used from the discussion on documentary research as method of understanding and production of scientific knowledge of decisions rendered by the full Court of the State of Pará municipalities, and at times may realize the application of techniques of quantitative research, contributing to the answers, showing and quantifying evidence or not the actions of the Court of Auditors and may reveal their ideas, opinions and ways of working.
Acesso aberto (Open Access)
Implementação do PQG-PA como Política Pública de Gestão
(Universidade Federal do Pará, 2014-09-30) FONSECA, Maria Clara de Azevedo; SILVA, Maria Dolores Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7277148176512169
This study comes on the implementation of the Quality Program in Public Management from the State of Pará (QGP-PA), from the perspective of public policy management. Uses as key concepts to Public Policy Analysis (Policy Analysis) and Political Cycle (Cycle Policy), with emphasis on the stage of implementation, which are assisted by Neoinstitutionalism History and Theory of Permanent Failure. Focuses on the QGP-PA as the state government strategy for the change in tangent way to administer the state, motivated by noise regarded as successful experiences occurring in other sub-national contexts, the idea being transplanted in Pará, without considering the place specificities, the aspects historical, economic, political, social, cultural and environmental. The surveyed data were found in primary and secondary sources, mostly interviews with the charge of drafting the program, as well as the operational and technical coordinator. Obtained as a response to the emptying: application of fortuitous fashion model; Weak governance; alternation of political parties in charge of the state; locked mechanisms acting on the forces of change and lack of policy entrepreneurs to drive the process. It is concluded that the program presents deficient performance, but may be feasible, since adjusted.